The partial elections of March 1948, despite the first symptoms of discontent aroused by the economic policy of the government of Perón, confirmed the popularity of Peronism and allowed the approval of the new constitution (March 16, 1949) which replaced that of 1853. The new rules inspired by nationalistic ideals, they strengthened the presidential authority even more (claim of the Falkland Islands, guarantee of the reforms undertaken in the field of economic autarchy, especially as regards the nationalization of foreign companies, recognition of certain fundamental rights to workers with the exclusion of strike, possibility of re-election of the President of the Republic). The claims on areas of the South Pole led to the Argentina to conclude a pact with Chile by which the two countries proclaimed their rights in Antarctica (March 4, 1948); another agreement between Argentina, Chile and Great Britain (January 18, 1949) stipulated that the three countries would not send warships to Antarctica. Despite the totalitarian support of the masses who had obtained undeniable social advantages through favorable labor legislation, the regime did not tolerate the opposition and came to expropriate the well-known newspaper. The Press (January 26, 1951), which resumed publications eight months later as an organ of the CGT. For the same reason, relations with Uruguay – accused of welcoming Argentine political refugees – On 11 November of the same year Perón regained his presidential mandate for six years and his party won all the seats in the senate and 143 of the 155 in the chamber..
The relations of the Perón government with the USA always continued marked by mutual distrust while those with the USSR were always cordial. The Communist Party, on the other hand, remained in the shadows during the Peronist regime: in the presidential elections of 1945 it had obtained 12% of the votes, down in those of 1951 to 1.5%. Evidently in an authoritarian regime in which the trade unions assumed so much importance, there was no room for another party, so many Communists infiltrated the Peronist trade union organizations. On July 26, 1952, Eva Perón died, who had greatly contributed to the rise of her husband with intense propaganda and social activity. His funeral gave rise to massive displays of condolence that bordered on fanaticism. Perón has never lacked sympathies from other South American countries – in particular Chile, Paraguay, Bolivia – happy to see him take on the role of champion against “Yankee imperialism”, one of the favorite motives of the whole Latin America in its bitter criticism of US policy towards nations south of the Rio Grande. However, in 1953, the economic situation began to precipitate despite all the attempts made: new five-year economic plan (11 February), important economic agreements with Chile, Brazil, the USSR (5 August), Ecuador’s accession to the Argentine-Chilean economic union. In the same year the cost of living increased by 200% and some shortage crops made the situation more precarious while the inflationary spiral increasingly ensnared the country’s economy, exposing the flaws of an ultra-nationalist and demagogic regime. The opposition – severely opposed – grew stronger and the radical party defined its position in the face of the fundamental problems of the country in a message to the Argentine people (February 13, 1954). A campaign against the Catholic Church, suspected of wanting to constitute a real political movement, it was unleashed towards the end of 1954 following a speech by Perón (November 10) who openly accused the clergy of anti-national activity. The struggle rapidly degenerated from the political to the religious field through a series of measures aimed at affecting the moral orientations of the Church: abolition of the department for religious education, approval of the divorce law, authorization for the reopening of brothels, suspension of subsidies to some churches, abolition of some religious holidays. Reactions could not be lacking in a profoundly Catholic nation and a first popular demonstration against the regime’s measures took place in Buenos Aires on April 7, 1955. The dissension escalated and a pastoral ministry of the Argentine bishops against government abuses was read in the churches; the chambers approved (20 April) the convocation of a constituent assembly which should have amended the constitution in order to allow the separation of the Church from the State. On the day of Corpus Domini there were serious incidents between masses of faithful and Peronists: all public religious ceremonies were prohibited and numerous arrests were made. The clergy were accused of being an ally of the landowners and the industrial oligarchy considered enemies of the regime. The anti-clerical measures culminated in the expulsion from the Argentina of the auxiliary bishop and the dean deacon of Buenos Aires. On June 16, the Vatican excommunicated Perón and the officials involved in the expulsion of the two prelates. On the same day the naval aviation and navy units (traditionally linked to the conservatives) rebelled but were counterattacked and defeated by the army which assumed the role of moderator. Perón renounced power (June 18) and took him back four days later, but by now the military controlled the situation. The constitution of a militia of descamisados precipitated events and Perón had to give up power definitively (19 September) after the revolt of the armed forces which lasted three days, taking refuge first on a Paraguayan gunboat and then in Venezuela and the Dominican Republic. With these countries the Argentina he later had to interrupt diplomatic relations (7 July 1957 and 9 April 1958 respectively) for the asylum granted to the former president.
Thus ended a period that saw the economy of a country first considered among the most prosperous ones crumble. Perón has left the to. in the economic chaos. The Justicialism, namely the Peronist doctrine, nevertheless profoundly changed the lives of workers, transforming disordered masses of obreros in a true working class conscious of its own strength and capable of decisively orienting national politics. This also happened through intense industrialization, which tore the peasant from the fields, to the detriment of agriculture, the traditional basis of Argentine wealth. The regime’s policy aimed at eradicating foreign capital certainly did not facilitate the tasks that Perón had set himself, just as the hostile attitude to the USA did not help him, only recently modified with some concessions to Standard Oil. Perón also enunciated an ambitious political theory: the “third position”, which aspired to create in the world a third force to be interposed between capitalism and communism. The aspiration to establish a South American bloc, under the Argentine aegis, also failed,
Following the flight of Perón, Major General Eduardo Lonardi, one of the leaders of the revolt, assumed the provisional presidency of the Republic (21 September 1955), but on 13 November a coup d’état brought another anti-Peronist to power, Major General Pedro Eugenio Aramburu, chief of staff of the army. On May 1, 1956, the Peronist constitution of 1949 was abolished and that of 1853 restored. Aramburu, provisional president, governed in the midst of serious political difficulties and had to suffocate in blood a military rebellion (June 9, 1956). On 23 February 1998 the uncompromising radical Arturo Frondizi was elected president of the Republic with a strong majority and his party also obtained the government of all the provinces. For Argentina 2019, please check philosophynearby.com.
Frondizi had to face a rather complex situation and was accused of not keeping the promises bestowed during the electoral campaign. In fact, he won the elections with the help of over 2 million votes from the extremist parties of the right and left which aimed above all to beat the most formidable competitor, Balbín, leader of another more radical radical tendency, considered partisan of Aramburu irreducible enemy of the Peronists and Communists. If at the beginning of his mandate Frondizi drew inspiration from the principle of “national integration” by calling some Peronists and Paracommunists to join the government, later, under the pressure of the armed forces, he modified his programs, especially in the economic field. The new President has bravely faced the problem of oil – a bugbear of almost all South American governments – giving new impetus to national production and accepting the help of foreign capital, especially US. Oil production increased by 30% in 1959 and imports are expected to drop by about $ 300 million in 1960 (the equivalent of deficit annual balance of payments) to approximately 150 million. Frondizi has resorted to classic liberal systems to fight inflation and to revalue the currency and has established a rigid austerity regime whose results are already tangible. His government, however, is among the most unpopular of the last fifty years and is faced with the distrust of the “bourgeois” parties, the armed forces, the Peronists and the Communists, not to mention the Church, being an “intransigent radical”. This explains the many strikes and the continuous ministerial changes that have taken place in Argentina over the last few years. Frondizi’s visit to the USA (January 19, 1959), opposed by his opponents, it was a success and the speech he delivered before the Washington Congress aroused a vivid impression on his interlocutors and had considerable repercussions throughout Latin America. Although the Argentina sent an economic mission to the USSR and Eastern European countries in January 1958, internal vigilance against communism is severe: in fact, four Soviet diplomats and one Romanian, accused of having fomented riots, were expelled (7-8 April) despite protests by Ambassador Kostylev. On April 27, communist activities were declared illegal. On the other hand, Frondizi’s efforts to revive the economy of his country followed in the USA, in the Western Europe and Latin America itself with the greatest understanding since the success of its policy would also represent the victory of democratic ideals. In February 1960, President Eisenhower went to Argentina where he signed with Frondizi the “declaration of Bariloche” which, in addition to reaffirming the principles of continental solidarity based on the improvement of economic conditions, is proof of the return to normality of relations between the ‘TO. and the United States. In the legislative elections of March 27, Frondizi’s party lost 27 seats while Peronists and Communists voted blank ballot (2,064,838 votes). Argentina, since 18 February, together with six other Latin American republics, it has been part of the Free Trade Zone (Treaty of Montevideo) which brings together 140 million residents. In order to strengthen the traditional bonds that bind the Argentina to Europe; Frondizi made (June-July 1960) a trip to the main European countries.